China And American Foreign Policy

.. . Moderate components in the party, forced on the defensive by the 1989 crackdown, appealed for incremental (4=Sullivan, Lawrence R., China Since Tiananmen copyright 1994, pgs. 1-2) institutional alterations and advocated even bigger openness to the West. The pair agreed that unless high-level corruption was stopped, the country faced dissolved political instability.

Some among the leadership even feared a similar breakup to that of Yugoslavia (4, pg. 2). Despite outward appearances of strength, the Chinese leadership has been revealed as weak, divided internally, and unable to keep up with the forces of change that has been sweeping much of the Communist world. While the leaders maintain short-term power, they cannot maintain without upkeep of the key sectors of their urban society. The present policy prescriptions can be summarized as back to the future. The old politicians who dominate Chinas politics dream of a bygone golden age when political stability and solid economic prospering under an essentially Soviet-style economy, when it was clear who the friends and enemies were (2, pg.viii).

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China and the U.S. have been through many different phases of friendship together. We have gone from allies (WWII) to enemies (Cold War). There has been a great deal of tension between the two countries over human rights violations, like the Tiananmen Square massacre that happened in 1989. In this massacre thousands of Chinese students were murdered for holding pro-democracy demonstrations.

This resulted in an angered President George Bush suspending all high-level governmental exchanges. After having been suspended in 1951, most-favored nation status was restored to China in 1980 conditionally under the Jackson-Vanik freedom-of-emigration amendment of the Trade Act of 1974 and must be renewed annually (7, pg. 2). (7=Pregelj, Vladimir, Most Favored-Nation Status of China, Most Favored Nation Status (MFN) can be withdrawn from China in several ways: (1) by appropriate direct legislation enacted through regular legislative process; (2) by using the specific means provided in the Trade Act of 1974 for denying MFN status to a country that had it restored under that law, i.e., by the fast-track enactment of a joint resolution disapproving the mid-year annual renewal of the Jackson-Vanik waiver authority with respect to China, if such renewal is recommended by the President, or (3) by the Presidents failure to recommend such renewal with respect to China in the first place (e.g., for noncompliance with the Jackson-Vanik requirements). China also can lose its MFN status if the agreement is terminated, upon notice, at the end of a term or if the 3-year extension of the U.S.-China trade agreement does not take place because the President declines to make the required determination (7, pg.

3 paragraph 5). In 1995 the Trade Subcommittee of the House Ways and Means Committee, anticipating the 1995 Presidential extension of the waiver, on May 23, 1995, held a hearing on the U.S.-China trade relations and renewal of Chinas MFN status. The extension itself, without additional conditions, took place on June 2, 1995, by Presidential Determination 95-23 (60 FR 31047; H.Doc. 104-82) and was followed by the introduction of resolutions disapproving the extension (H.J.Res. 96 and S.J.Res. 37).

H.J.Res. 96 was reported adversely (H.Rept. 104-188), considered under a rule (H.Res.139;H.Rept. 104-194) and tabled July 20, 1995, by a yea-and-nay vote of the House (321-107). This action precluded the enactment of the companion measure (S.J. Res. 37)(7, pg.

4 paragraph #3). China is a country that has been victimized by foreigners many different times throughout history. It was not until the twentieth century that China started to recover some degree of self-government, and independence. Many believe that China will become more like the western countries, meaning more materialistic, non-ideological, and this will result in a freer culture and politics. China is currently emerging as a great power, and a potential rival to the U.S. in the Pacific Ocean.

It is felt they are trying to replace the U.S. as the dominant power in Asia, meaning the U.S. is seen as a chief obstacle to its own strategic ambitions. This can be seen as an attempt of China to account for centuries of humiliating weakness, and establishing China as a center for a global civilization. This is feared because this will challenge U.S.

global supremacy. What is the U.S. so afraid of? Is it, that the county with a fifth of the worlds population is trying to become the worlds second biggest superpower? In 1994 President bill Clinton renewed Chinas most favored nation trading status, this guaranteed Chinas privileged access to U.S. markets. Currently many U.S. companies do business in China making huge profits.

With U.S. corporations making a ton of money in China, does this mean that Capitalism is only a step away in China? China poses very little of a military threat to the U.S., even though they are currently engaged in one of the most extensive and rapid military build-ups in the world. This is said, because China is the third-largest nuclear power in the world, and the only one in Asia. There is little to fear though, Chinas most advanced warplane is the equal to the late 1960s U.S. warplane. Even better is the fact that the Japanese aircrafts are much more superior to their Chinese counterparts.

China can not offset Japans ability to produce a 21st century aircraft. China is very distant from occupying a power plant, avionics, and metallurgy engineering that are essential to make a plane that can take-off and land on an aircraft carrier in any type of weather (4, pg. 36-38). The U.S. must offer China much more than just the opportunity to follow the rules.

They must come up with a new and appropriate policy of engagement that will require acknowledging the Chinese interests that will accommodate both of our countries. This is needed to prevent nuclear proliferation on the Korean peninsula. We must also accommodate the Chinese interests in Sino-Pakistani security ties. These steps will require Washington DC to admit the economic causes of trade imbalances and how the Chinese government has limited ability to make sure their domestic laws and their international commitments work (3, pg.89-91). Of course these steps give the U.S.

little guarantee that the engagement of our two countries will really work. It will take negotiations on both sides to make hard policy adjustments and to seek a compromise to a solution. Washington will have to guard the unilateral interests that it has. This means maintaining current duty stations in Asia where U.S. soldiers are deployed. Retrenchment would do more to effect the Sino-American bilateral equilibrium of power than any combo of Chinese Military and economic platforms would.

This U.S. should not rely on compulsive measures for Chinese cooperation. These compulsive measures would produce a renewed sense of tension in Sino-American relations that would result in heightened instability in East Asia. The U.S. has such a strategic head start on China, causing Washington to have the break of sitting back and watching China modernize before they go adding a more positive approach to the China-U.S. relations 6, pg.3).

China is vulnerable to neighboring countries that crowd China on all borders. This results in serious security problems within Chinese borders. This has caused U.S. (6=Yebai, Zhang, Sino-U.S. Relations, ( President Bill Clintons problems dealing with China.

In 1998 Bill Clinton was accused of looking the other way to the internal abuses, and the exportation of harmful weapons, and their aggressive behavior in the international arena. This is believed to go on because he took secret campaign contributions to his party from the Chinese. It is hoped that eventually all of the facts and mysteries concerning China will all be sorted out and dealt with appropriately. Hopefully the election of George Bush, a new, hopefully competent U.S. President, can get things taken care of more appropriately than Bill Clinton did. Over the long term, it is felt that we are most likely to be dealing with China, no longer ruled by the communist party but with a reform-minded leadership.

This should be on the minds of future policy-makers tackling short-term strategic issues. Even before the events of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, foreign business was becoming more realistic of the China market. It is felt that China is a great source of income for U.S. business. So why dont we give that 1/5th of the world a chance? All we can do now, is sit back and watch the future events, to know what is going on with China, and how the U.S.

is impacted by the future developments, that China makes. Political Issues.